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Werner Daitz:
Genuine and spurious continental spheres.
Laws of Lebensraum.

Second half of 1942

The Grossraum theorist Daitz compared the idea of a new order in Europe with the concept and principle of Lebensraum.

(…) Since European life can no longer find a home in remote and alien parts of the earth (North and South America, Australia etc.), where immigrants from Europe have progressively lost their true characteristics, it has reverted to its natural European setting and once again found its natural center of gravity in the heart of Europe. The ideologies of a world economy, democracy and parliamentarianism, invented by Britain during the past century to justify and prolong this unnatural form of European life, are losing ground and disappearing along with the equally unnatural phenomenon of British hegemony. It simply is not possible in the long run to control the European Lebensraum from the British Isles, a position on the verge of Europe: it can only be controlled and given its proper balance in Europe revived the old tensions between living space and political space, which again were exacerbated by the fact that the most active elements of the national groups could no longer emigrate, because the overseas territories had become independent (thanks to the transformation of the Europeans already settled there) and had put a stop to the further influx of Europeans. Consequently these elements now press for a reorganization of the European space – which had declined into a merely geographical notion – on the basis of natural laws, so that it may again become a true enlarged Lebensraum of the European family of nations and therefore a genuine Grossraum.

Just as a lost national community and its national living space can only be recovered by compatriots acting as individuals, so the natural community of a family of nations and its extended living space can only be recovered by the individual nationalities.

For these reasons, in the first phase of the European revolution of 1914-18 the idea of peoples and their living space (Volkstum, völkischer Lebensraum) should have been recognized as primary and a superior to the idea of the territorial state (Staatsraum). But the ‘victors’ of 1918 completely failed to recognize this, as is shown by the botch they made of Versailles and the associated treaties, which increased the number of territorial units, violating the Lebensraum of peoples more grievously than before and thus bringing the conflict between Staatsraum and Lebensraum to its highest pitch. The tension was at last relieved by the revolutionary explosion of National Socialism and Fascism, when Adolf Hitler set an example to all the nations of Europe by proclaiming the sovereign rights of Volkstum and its living space in opposition to the state and its territorial pretensions. National socialism is in reality only the German, national accomplishment of the European revolution, which latter confers on Germans not only a new ethnic (völkisch) but also a new European identity. The same thing was achieved in Italy by Fascism in terms of the Roman life-style, and in Spain by the Falange. In the same way all the other European peoples who want to preserve their existence must conform their way of life and their legal and territorial systems to a new ethnic and European pattern on the lines of either the Germanic life-style of the Northern and Baltic area or the Roman life-style of the Mediterranean basin. The same is true of the East European peoples, of the Russian territory who are now to be reintegrated into the European Lebensraum. They too must now adopt a new ethnic and European attitude in accordance with the East European life-style as dictated by geography and race, involved as they are in the second part of the European revolution and the recovery of the whole Lebensraum of the European family of peoples. By using this concept of a ‘family of peoples’ the Führer has avoided all the hair-splitting and ambiguity of professional ethnologist and has once again based his policy on a sound apprehension of biological and political realities. (…)

Once the new principle announced by the Führer, that race (Volkstum) and Lebensraum are supreme and inalienable values, is accepted by the whole European family of nations and finds expression in a new conception of law and a new legislation, states will be able to waive the exercise of many rights of sovereignty, as civil wars within the European family for the defense of Lebensräume will be largely unnecessary and consequently outlawed. This again will for the first time provide a foundation for disarmament within Europe, though naturally the whole European Lebensraum will still have to be defended against outside attack. (…)

I have already pointed out that the watchword ‘Europe for the Europeans’ signifies a new morality within the European family of nations and that there derives from in a new economic precept, which I expressed in the form: ‘Europe’s needs must in the first place be met from Europe itself, and only afterwards from overseas.’ I also observed that this new morality within the European family of nations and its Grossraum must likewise presuppose, or bring about an attitude of mutual preference among the nations of Europe as far as political and cultural matters are concerned. The common interest of Europe take precedence over the selfish interest of nations.

National Socialism proclaims as a basic moral principle that the general good is more important than selfish interest, and it is likewise true as a basic maxim in the life of the European family of nations that the common interests of Europe are more important than the selfish interests of nations. This means that in the new Europe we must continue to eschew selfish nationalism and instead think of the common weal, as true National Socialists. In that way the National Socialist moral law will also become the basis of European morality.

If it were not so, the European nations would be linked by nothing over and above their national interests and individualities; nationalism, instead of National Socialism, would be in the pinnacle of wisdom; and the most blatant expression of nationalism ever invented, the British (sic)’ My country, right or wrong!’ would be the highest expression of human morality. (…)

See the original document (in German)